Illustrations by D?lice Williams?
Women of Color, Too
Seven years ago, Michael Brown, an unarmed eighteen year-old Black boy was brutally murdered by a police officer in Ferguson, Missouri (?Michael Brown”). As the story began to circulate on social media, much of the public responded with the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter. However, at the same time, another hashtag began to trend: #AllLivesMatter. On the surface, the latter hashtag seems harmless. Of course, all lives do matter. However, the hashtag solely exists to slow the momentum of Black Lives Matter, and, unfortunately, it is successful in doing so. Similarly to All Lives Matter, the hashtag #NotAllMen emerged to subvert the efforts of the #MeToo Movement, a social movement against sexual violence. Both of these counter movements reflect America’s desperation to hold onto our social hierarchy. Men benefit from sexism in the same sense that white people benefit from racism. That being said, counter-movements are not the only issue. There are many layers to our social hierarchy, which come to surface even in social movements with good intentions. Although the Me Too Movement has made strides for victims of sexual assault, it has only done so by abandoning its original goal to support victims of color. In order to make true progress, social movements, like Me Too, cannot represent a single group, but must work to address the individual needs and intersectionality of all groups within the movement.
It is important to recognize that the Me Too Movement is not overtly harmful. In fact, I stand with its mission to spread awareness of sexual assault, and I believe it has been successful in shifting social attitudes around sexual assault. Specifically, this shift followed a tweet by actor Alyssa Milano in 2017. Milano shared that, If all the women who have been sexually harassed or assaulted wrote ‘Me too.’ as a status, we might give people a sense of the magnitude of the problem.” Milano herself then went on to comment, Me too.” The result was exactly what Milano had anticipated: In just forty-eight hours, thirteen million posts confirmed how widespread the issue was (Kachen). Because of this, the hashtag #MeToo changed the default response to these accusations from doubt to belief and encouraged more women to report their assault. For these reasons, Me Too is, on the surface, a productive social movement. Since 2017, it has given all women a platform to share their stories and come to collective healing (Kachen). On one hand, women of color are included in this conversation. However, their experiences with sexual assault differ greatly from their white counterparts. Simply put, women of color are statistically more likely to be victims of sexual violence (Finoh). Furthermore, our racist legal system makes for a more difficult court process for women of color. For this reason, only one out of every fifteen Black women reports their assault (?Black Women”). By encouraging all women, regardless of race, to report their assault, the Me Too Movement overlooks these discrepancies in the legal system. In order to support survivors of color, there must be more individual attention paid to those who are disproportionately impacted by sexual violence.
Originally, this was the focus of the Me Too Movement, however, over time marginalized voices were drowned out by prominent white activists. This is clear in the timeline of the Me Too Movement. While the movement rose to prominence in 2017, it was actually founded in 2006 by a Black woman named Tarana Burke (Kachen). Burke has devoted her entire life to campaigning for young women of color on matters such as housing inequality, racial discrimination, economic justice, and most prominently sexual violence (Alexander). Burke cried out the powerful two-word phrase for eleven years before Alyssa Milano. However, it was only when a white woman echoed it that people finally began to listen. Not only that, but Milano also broadened Burke’s message to include all survivors. Although her intentions were pro-women, she unintentionally transformed the entire message; it was no longer pro-Black women. Burke’s reaction to the social media movement reflects this idea. She claimed that this can’t happen? Not like this! Y’all know if these white women start using the hashtag? it will all be over” (Burke). Clearly, her work was not entirely over, though. Me Too brought together millions of survivors through collective healing, which, in the end, was part of Burke’s goal. However, the other more prominent part of her goal was to empower women of color specifically. This piece was lost in the hype of the social media trend. This shift is detrimental to the safety of Black women and women of color, for the work that needs to be done for these demographics is no longer the focus of the Me Too Movement.
Despite the tremendous efforts of Black women, their advocacy has historically been bulldozed by oppressed majorities. The Civil Rights Movement and Women’s Liberation, to begin with, are not thoroughly taught in the American education system. Therefore, Black female activists are almost entirely left out of the narrative. In a study by the Southern Poverty Law Center, far too many students report having only basic knowledge of Parks, King, and I Have a Dream,” when asked about the Civil Rights Movement (Glanton). Sure, one prominent female figure, Rosa Parks, is included, however, her more notable work against sexual violence has been long forgotten. Eleven years before the infamous bus incident, Rosa Parks worked closely with the NAACP to investigate the sexual assault case of another Black woman, Recy Taylor. From there, she founded the Committee for Equal Justice for Mrs. Recy Taylor, which was later recognized as the strongest movement for justice to be seen in a decade” (Tarlo). While it is ironic that the strongest movement” of the era did not get the same recognition as other movements, it is not coincidental. It is a result of the intersectionality of Black women. Along with Rosa Parks are the untold stories of Ida B. Wells, who brought the sexual exploitation of Black women by white men to the public sphere, Anita Hill, who testified against Clarence Thomas’ Supreme Court confirmation, and the nearly sixteen hundred women who signed African American Women in Defense of Ourselves” (Rodriguez). These stories have faded into the background of the feminist narrative, allowing white activists to claim women’s rights movements. This lack of representation is dangerous because it implies that white activists can resolve all women’s rights issues. Furthermore, it minimizes Black women’s struggles by lumping them in with white women’s struggles. We must consider the needs of different groups within all social movements, specifically Me Too, in order to protect the rights of all women.
While the Me Too Movement was driven by Tarana Burke’s first-hand experiences with sexual violence as a Black woman, her vision to include all women of color must be upheld as well. Despite the fact that American Indian women suffer the highest rate of sexual assault, up to ten times the rest of America, they are typically silenced within social movements (?Ending Violence”). Not only is America’s social response to sexual assault exclusionary of certain groups, but America’s legal systems are, too, biased against women of color. For Black women, there is a mistrust in legal authority, due to the presence of police brutality in America. Still, Black women are, at least, legally granted the right to a trial. American Indian women, on the other hand, are abandoned by our country’s legal system entirely. Since Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe (1978), Indian nations have not had the right to prosecute non-Indians (Brewer). This reduces accountability for sexual offenders, for over ninety-six percent of sexual violence against American Indians is at the hands of non-Indians (?Ending Violence”).
While American Indian women must overcome a corrupt legal system to get their justice, Latin American women, meanwhile, must overcome dangerous social attitudes. America’s hostile immigration policies put Latin American women in a vulnerable position when entering the workforce. This power imbalance, coupled with their desperation to stay in the country, subjects Latina workers to disproportionate sexual exploitation (?Latinas and Sexual Violence”). Rape has become so normalized for Latina immigrants, to the point that many go on birth control before entering the country, just to be safe (?Latinas and Sexual Violence”). Americans have normalized this horrifying situation, and thus pushed Latin-American activism to the background of feminist movements, like Me Too. At times, it is easy to assume that, by including women of color in a social movement, they will be included in the solution. The Me Too Movement, after all, has been linked with an overall increase of sexual assaults reported by women (Kachen). This increase, though, is disproportionately due to the empowerment of white women. Empowerment, although the focus of the movement, is not enough to create a safe legal environment for women of color on its own. In order to increase reports by women of color proportionally, the movement must work to dissemble these racist legal and social barriers. That being said, the movement must be broken down even further. Women of color” is an umbrella term for many different subgroups, who clearly have very different experiences with sexual assault. To empower all women, the Me Too Movement must pinpoint race-specific issues and shape their advocacy around them.
Although white women’s activism, including Me Too, fails to properly empower women of color, there is little even the most privileged women can do to prevent sexual violence in the first place. After all, powerful white women do endure extremely high rates of sexual violence, too. Alyssa Milano, for example, is an esteemed American actress with over three million Twitter followers and a net worth of ten million dollars. Following Milano’s tweet, many other celebrities, including Gwyneth Paltrow, Ashley Judd, and Jennfier Lawrence, came forward with their stories as well. This layer of the movement proves to survivors that their assault was not a reflection of their individual power, but of the systemic power imbalances between men and women. Often, victims respond to their trauma with self-blame. In recounting her assault, one of Harvey Weinstein’s victims said: I tried to get away, but maybe I didn’t try hard enough” (Farrow). Because male dominance is so deeply rooted into American ideals, the default response to sexual assault places blame on the often female victims. However, women are not responsible for their assault, no matter what they wear, how much they drink, or how capable they are of fighting back. The women behind the Me Too Movement are able to shift the default response to sexual assault. They are able to foster collective healing. With adjustments, they are able to empower women of color to the same degree as white women. They, though, are not able to eliminate the threat of sexual assault. This next step is in the hands of the offenders.
To make systemic change, there must no longer be complacency among men and women, offenders and bystanders alike. For white female activists, complacency means turning a blind eye to violence against women of color. For men, on the other hand, complacency includes, not only physical violence, but also the tolerance of such violence. This tolerance, however, is defended by the Not All Men movement. Because white men dominate our political, legal, and social spheres, they are able to create their own truth. Not All Men does just this by furthering the idea that sexism does not exist, or that it exists, but the effects of reverse sexism” are just as bad or worse for men (Nicholas). The 2020 film Promising Young Woman rejects this notion. When protagonist Cassie Thomas confronts sexual offender Al Monroe for his actions, Al claims, Do you know how it feels to be accused of something like that? It’s every guy’s worst nightmare.” Cassie responds, Can you guess what every woman’s worst nightmare is?” (Promising Young Woman). Here, Monroe is referring to the fear mongering in the media regarding false accusations. While false accusations do occur, it is estimated that they make up between two and ten percent of sexual assault reports (?Statistics”). This leaves over ninety-eight percent of reports to be true. Men are, still, able to overlook these proven facts to further their personal agenda. This horrific abuse of power is exemplified, too, by Harvey Weinstein. Another victim shared that he was known to own the cops in Buffalo,” said one of his victims (Untouchable). Therefore, Weinstein convinced himself, his” police, and his victims that all acts were consensual. This proves that in America’s social climate, a man’s status is prioritized over a woman’s safety and validity. Therefore, true progress will only be made when men are willing to reject a system that inherently benefits them.
Unfortunately, white men dominate America’s political, legal, and social spheres, and thus have the power to create a safe environment for sexual assault victims. Therefore, like white women, they must be held accountable for including racial dynamics in their work. Since racism and sexism are so deeply rooted into the ideals of our country, there is a lot of unlearning to be done. Primarily, white men must address and redress their dehumanization of Black women. A report by the Georgetown Law Center published describes the rhetoric white men use when describing young Black women. That rhetoric includes claims that they are less innocent, more adultlike, and more knowledgeable of sex (Finoh). Additionally, the Media, Diversity, and Social Change Initiative reports how the hypersexualization of Latina women contributes to harmful social biases. In the male-dominated film industry, the study reports that most roles played by Latina women include a stripper, prostitute, or a sexualized maid (?Latinas in the Media”). Clearly, these perspectives are not a reflection of a women’s culture, but of America’s white nationalist values. These social attitudes are the reason women of color disproportionately experience sexual assault. For example, one convicted sexual offender revealed that he targeted low-income Black women because he thought they were less likely to be believed” (Finoh). Unfortunately, this criminal is correct. However, it does not have to be this way. Systemic change begins with social change, and due to our social hierarchy, social changes need the support of powerful men. From there, adequate progress can be made in all spheres of our society.
Harvey Weinstein’s company was, as one former employee put, a culture of complicity” (Farrow). Although this company made major headlines in 2017 when Weinstein’s allegations came to light, it is just one company, among many others, that fosters an unsafe environment for women. For this reason, I describe our entire country as a culture of complicity. After a domestic violence incident was reported to the University of Delaware this fall, protests were organized due to the university’s silence and complacency on the incident. Beneath a university that, on the surface, promoted students’ safety, lay broken systems. Even male students, classmates of the victim, sat from the comfort of their porch laughing at the protestors. It is this complacency that continues to put women in danger. Because our society exists in a social hierarchy, progress is determined by so many layers contributing to a common goal. The Me Too Movement’s original goal was to make a safer environment for women of color. However, their intersectionality places women of color at the bottom of our social hierarchy. Therefore, white women must not be complicit in violence against women of color. Likewise, privileged men must not be complicit in violence against white women and women of color. They must take on an active role in the fight for women’s safety.
Instructor: Sean Lovitt
Each new generation is predictably accused by their elders of being idealistic.” Young people’s political desires are routinely discounted as unrealistic.” Yet, young rebels have often been at the forefront of social movements that changed the world for the better. In this class, we studied several generations of young people involved in social movements, from the 1960s to the George Floyd Uprising. In the first half of the class, students encountered some of the authors, writings, and depictions of movements, including Civil Rights, Anti-War, Black Power, Feminism, Gay Pride, Environmentalism, Occupy, and Black Lives Matter. Students wrote two short essays, one on a classic play and another analyzing iconic images from these movements. The second half of the semester was devoted to a research project, beginning with a proposal. I provided the students with six broad options, which students used to propose a unique research topic. After their topics were approved, students worked through stages to build a research paper. These stages included an annotated bibliography, several drafts, peer review, and final revisions. These research papers allowed students to investigate the formation and evolution of a social movement, as well as ways that movements relate to one another.
Works Cited
Works Cited
Alexander, Kerri Lee. Tarana Burke Biography.” National Women’s History Museum, https://www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/tarana-burke.
Black Women & Sexualviolence.” National Organization for Women, https://now.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Black-Women-and-Sexual-Violence-6.pdf.
Brewer, Graham Lee. Native American Women Face an Epidemic of Violence.” NBCNews.com, NBCUniversal News Group, 6 July 2021, https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/native-american-women-face-epidemic-violence-legal-loophole-prevents-prosecutions-n1272670.
Burke, Tarana. I Founded Me Too in 2006. The Morning It Went Viral Was a Nightmare.” Time, Time, 14 Sept. 2021, https://time.com/6097392/tarana-burke-me-too-unbound-excerpt/.
Ending Violence Against Native Women. Indian Law Resource Center, https://indianlaw.org/issue/ending-violence-against-native-women.
Farrow, Ronan. From Aggressive Overtures to Sexual Assault: Harvey Weinstein’s Accusers Tell Their Stories.” The New Yorker, 10 Oct. 2017, https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/from-aggressive-overtures-to-sexual-assault-harvey-weinsteins-accusers-tell-their-stories.
Finoh, Maya. The Legal System Has Failed Black Girls, Women, and Non-Binary Survivors of Violence.” American Civil Liberties Union, 19 Nov. 2021, https://www.aclu.org/blog/racial-justice/race-and-criminal-justice/legal-system-has-failed-black-girls-women-and-non.
Glanton, Dahleen. Teaching Civil Rights History, Not Just King, Rosa Parks.” Chicago Tribune, 23 Aug. 2021, https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/ct-xpm-2011-10-11-ct-talk-glanton-civil-rights-1011-20111011-story.html.
Kachen, Axenya, et al. ?#MeToo, #MeThree, #MeFour: Twitter as Community Building across Academic and Corporate Institutions.” Psychology and Marketing, vol. 38, no. 3, 3 Dec. 2020. DELCAT Discovery, https://doi.org/10.1002/mar.v38.3. Accessed 4 Nov. 2021.
Latinas in the Media: Reclaiming Sexual Agency.” NEIU Independent, Northeastern Illinois University, 22 Apr. 2019, https://neiuindependent.org/11784/opinions/latinas-in-the-media-reclaiming-sexual-agency/.
Latinas and Sexual Violence.” Office for Victims of Crime, United States Department of Justice, https://ovc.ojp.gov/sites/g/files/xyckuh226/files/pubs/existeayuda/tools/pdf/factsheet_eng.pdf.
Michael Brown Is Killed by a Police Officer in Ferguson, Missouri.” History.com, A&E Television Networks, 6 Aug. 2020, https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/michael-brown-killed-by-police-ferguson-mo.
Milano, Alyssa et al. ?’If You’ve Been Sexually Harassed or Assaulted, Write ‘Me Too’ as a Response to This Tweet.”” 15 Oct. 2017.
Nicholas, Lucy. The Persistence of Global Masculinism: Discourse, Gender, and Neo-Colonial Re-Articulations of Violence. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.
Promising Young Woman. Directed by Emerald Fennell. Hulu, 2019.
Rodriguez, Cheryl. Black Women and the Fight Against Sexual Violence.” DELCAT Discovery, 28 Jan. 2019.
Statistics about Sexual Violence.” National Sexual Violence Resource Center, https://www.nsvrc.org/sites/default/files/publications_nsvrc_factsheet_media-packet_statistics-about-sexual-violence_0.pdf.
Tarlo, Shira. Rosa Parks’ Birthday.” NBCNews.com, NBCUniversal News Group, 4 Feb. 2017, https://www.nbcnews.com/news/nbcblk/rosa-parks-birthday-5-things-you-may-not-know-about-n716516.
Untouchable. Directed by Ursula McFarlane. Hulu, 2020.
Paper Prompt
THE PAPER WITH SOURCES
The Paper with Sources proposal is the first step in this class’s research project. It is meant to help you decide on a focused idea and describe your plans for researching and writing about it.
You should feel free to explore any topic that interests you within the framework provided here. I hope that you can draw inspiration from our discussions and use the work we have done in class to help you think critically, consider multiple audiences, and how your topic relates to social movements.
Since the Paper with Sources will ultimately require you to write 8-10 pages, using at least 6 sources, over approximately a 2-month period, you should find a topic that fascinates you, motivates you to research, and keeps you asking questions.
Overall, the Paper with Sources is designed to build on your interests, allowing you to explore them in a direction that interests you. But keep in mind, the proposal must be approved by me.
You can begin the process of honing your specific topic by choosing from any of the following general subjects:
1. Forgotten Histories
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2. A social movement history of the present
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3. The Relationship Between Art and Movements |
4. The Role of Technology in Movements
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5. Political Education
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6. Intersecting Movements
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THE PAPER WITH SOURCES PROPOSAL
The Paper with Sources proposal is the first step in this class’s research project, known as the Paper with Sources. It is meant to help you decide on a focused idea and describe your plans for researching and writing about it.
You should feel free to explore any topic that interests you within the framework provided here. I hope that you can draw inspiration from our discussions and use the work we have done in class to help you think critically, consider multiple audiences, and how your topic relates to social movements.
Since the Paper with Sources will ultimately require you to write 8-10 pages, using at least 6 sources, over approximately a 2-month period, you should find a topic that fascinates you, motivates you to research, and keeps you asking questions.
Overall, the Paper with Sources is designed to build on your interests, allowing you to explore them in a direction that interests you. But keep in mind, the proposal must be approved by me!
You can begin the process of honing your specific topic by choosing from any of the following general subjects:
1. Forgotten Histories:
Most of us learned about the Civil Rights movement in school, usually taught through the broad strokes of events and representative figures. We rarely had the chance to look at lesser-known groups within this period like the Deacons of Defense, let alone any of the other groups that appeared since this period?for example, the feminist collective WITCH. New social movements arrive like Black Lives Matter with little-to-no sense of the multitude of individuals, groups, and movements that make up their history. Since social movements tend to be made up of young people in opposition to authority, their histories can sometimes be disregarded by the establishment and all-too-easily lost. For this option, you will research a lesser-known activist group and develop an argument for their significance. Suggested primary sources: Assata, Screaming Queens, 1971
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2. A social movement history of the present:
The George Floyd Uprising, Standing Rock, the Women’s March, the Capitol riot are only a few of the massive protests in just the past 5 years. While they each had their own political issues, many factors contribute to protests arriving at a particular time and place and in a specific shape. Social movements that produce these events are more than just an idea or a knee-jerk reaction to an issue. When it comes to social movements, it is important to consider what past organizing went unnoticed before they took the world stage as well as what contemporary conditions make the appearance of movements unique and new. For this option, you will research the recent history of a particular 21st century social movement and develop an argument about what makes this movement the way it is. Suggested primary source: Behind the Bastards, Whose Streets, After the Fall, Feminism of the 99%, Black Snake Killers
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3. The Relationship Between Art and Movements
Protesters have turned to visual art, poetry, songs, film, and a variety of other creative pursuits to forward their movements. These art forms can record events, inspire actions, and envision possible outcomes. Moreover, creative projects can reach new people or help activists think through problems and questions in their movements. Alternatively, non-activist artists can respond to, criticize, co-opt and appropriate the messages of social movements in their work. For this option, you will develop an argument about the relationship between a particular art work ? interpreted broadly ? and its relationship to a social movement. Suggested primary sources: Blues for Mister Charlie, Diane di Prima, art in the image bank”
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4. The Role of Technology in Movements:
Technology can be a double-edged sword for social movements. On one side, new technology plays a central role in growing, shaping, and connecting social movements. Technology can enable new types of movements to emerge, evolving past traditional determining factors like charismatic leaders or familiar organizations. On the other side, developments in technology increase the surveillance, control, and repression of new movements by their adversaries in the government or industry. Rapid circulation of information and new forms of representation can galvanize a movement or smother it. For this option, you will develop an argument about a specific form of technology and its role in the evolution of a particular social movement. Suggested primary sources: Whose Streets, 1971, History of an Occupation
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5. Political Education:
Education doesn’t need to happen in a traditional institution like a school or a university. Activists in social movements often find alternative outlets for education in order to learn topics and skills not available in the classroom. These outlets can include anything from radical education groups to activist trainings for practicing protest tactics to independent investigations?sometimes taking direct action to gain prohibited information (ex. COINTELPRO). Since many alternatives to education are informal, unofficial, or spontaneous, they aren’t always familiar to outsiders. For this option, you will investigate a form of political education within social movements and develop an argument about its significance to social awareness. Suggested primary source: Assata, Blues for Mister Charlie, 1971, Black Power Mixtape
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6. Intersecting Movements
Social movements tend to be categorized by their specific issues or even by the identities of the participants. Yet, movements tend to create networks, connect with each other, inspire new groupings, and build coalitions. There are endless connections to trace from Black Power sparking the Asian American movement to LGBTQ leadership in Black Lives Matter. Conversely, social movements contain internal conflicts that sometimes lead to splits over leadership, ideas, and goals. For example, the Women’s Liberation in the 60s grew from the dissatisfaction with women’s subordinate roles in the anti-war movement. Subsequently, lesbian and trans women sometimes splintered from the mainstream feminist movement to form their own groups. Movements are not homogenous; they are made up of allies, accomplices, and frenemies. For this option, you will research an intersection between different identities within movements and develop an argument about this relationship. Suggested primary sources: Assata, She’s Beautiful When She’s Angry, Black Snake Killaz, Screaming Queens
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7. An original topic of your choice:
Do not be fooled! The freedom of choosing your own topic makes this the most difficult option to have approved by me. If you are passionate about a topic that has nothing to do with those listed above, you still have an opportunity to write on it. However, you will have to propose an original argument that demonstrates the significance of your research. For this option, you can write on anything you want related to protest and social movements but with an original angle. The best original topics have an unconventional subject or a new way of looking at something specific.
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**keep in mind that these general subjects above are meant only to provide possible directions and inspire thought. They are not a formula or a strategy. In the end, the Paper with Sources will be based on your own original ideas**
There are three stages to writing the proposal:
1) Pick a general subject area from the ones listed above
2) decide on your specific topic (much narrower than a subject) based on your interests to discuss in class
3) write a proposal explaining your idea, your focus, and plan.
Your written proposal will:
- Include an explanation of which subject your topic belongs to from the list above
- briefly outline your topic of research and potential primary source
- Provides a hypothesis or problem to explore
- Explain why it would be worthwhile to consider
- Suggests places where you will begin your research
- Include questions or concerns that you have about researching this topic
Important Dates (subject to change: see Canvas for updated dates)
Topic Ideas | October 14 |
Proposal | October 21 |
5 sources | October 28 |
Annotated Bibliography | Nov 4 |
First Pages | Nov 11 |
Peer review | Nov 14 |
4-page draft | Nov 18 |
Final draft | Dec 8 |